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| UPDATED
EVERY THURSDAY
Thursday
30th October 2003 |
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| All
content © New Journal Enterprises, 2003 |
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| REVIEWS |
|
BY THEO BLACKWELL |

Tony Benn

Roy Jenkins

A front page of Militant urging people to defy the Poll Tax

Councillor Theo Blackwell is the deputy leader of Camden Council |
Labour Employment
Minister John Golding pulls no punches in describing the struggle
over the party’s soul in the 1970s 1980s, writes Theo Blackwell
Hammer of the Left: defeating Tony Benn, Eric Heffer and Militant
in the Battle for the Labour Party by John Golding
Edited by Paul Farrelly MP – Politicos, £25
My aim,” writes John Golding at the outset, “is to be
accurate but unfair”. And so this account of the reclaiming
of the Labour Party between 1978 and 1985 begins – and it is
not a pretty tale of 1980s’ party politics from any political
perspective.
This is no mere ‘Betsygate’: it represents a salutary
lesson of the electoral consequences facing any political party obsessed
by personal or ideological infighting.
Edited by Paul Farrelly MP, the posthumous memoirs of John Golding,
MP for Newcastle-upon-Lyme, former Employment Minister, key union
player and leading ‘moderate’ of the period on Labour’s
National Executive Committee, chart the struggle for the control of
the tiller of the listing Labour supertanker during the Callaghan
and Thatcher years.
It is a ‘fixer’s’ account of how Labour’s
internal divisions played a role in the loss of the 1979 and 1983
elections, cementing the foundations of 18 years of Conservative government.
As someone who joined the Labour Party as a teenager at the end of
the 1980s, much of this is the political myth of shadowy fixers exposed
– fables whispered quietly but never written down and made real.
Golding was advised not to publish, but did so – possibly egged
on by a fear that the battles of this period have not been penned
by the victors. Treated are the crucial Benn-Healey leadership contest;
the Peter Tatchell by-election loss of Labour’s ultra-safe Bermondsey
constituency to Liberal Simon Hughes; the infamous 1983 election manifesto;
and the purging of Militant in the run up to Kinnock speech to the
1985 conference and beyond.
It should be read both as a personal account of Labour politics of
the 1980s and as a corrective to Golding’s arch-nemesis, Tony
Benn. While the Benn Diaries are in my view generally written in a
courteous style, although often (ponderously) removed from the cut
and thrust of the internal ‘fixing’ of which Benn is accused,
Golding’s account gives fuller flavour to the rancor of internal
party feuds.
His venom is brutal and undisguised – and not for the squeamish
or idealistic. Betrayal to the SDP is by “the posh set”
of defecting Labour MPs. The late Roy Jenkins is “arrogant,
superior, remote”.
Malcontent left-wing constituency activists at party conferences are
described as “Trots” or “social workers” (remember
when that was a common term of political abuse as opposed to ‘valued
key workers’?) or otherwise just generic “lefties”.
Many of his other opponents on the left are simply described as “mad”
or “a nutter” or more generally allied to “the forces
of darkness”.
Conversely, effusive loyalty and praise is bestowed upon Golding allies,
like current government minister John Spellar MP.
But it is Tony Benn for whom the most viciousness is saved. Benn is
at the centre of everything. As a government minister he is “completely
wishy-washy”; as a politician full of ambition (“a Messiah”),
intrigue and the pure source of much of the instability affecting
Labour’s chances of turning the tide against Thatcher.
Manoevering against Benn to deselect him from his Bristol stronghold
is one of Golding’s self-confessed crowning achievements.
Benn’s Diaries get special treatment, with lengthy rejoinders
to accounts of meetings and key events appearing in the memoirs, and
as such they should be seen in this context. References to Golding
himself do not feature too heavily in Benn’s Diaries (1980-1990)
– although it is perhaps noteworthy that “Golding, John”
chalks up more mentions in the index than “The Conservative
Party”.
As Neil Kinnock remarks in his Foreword, this book is “a dipped-in-vitriol
documentary”.
For Labour Kremlinologists who like this kind of thing this will be
a detailed and mischevious read, a sometimes brutal but on occasion
coldly humorous account of behind-the-scenes intrigue that can make
change happen in political parties and full of familiar names. It
is also a reminder for someone who didn’t live through it of
how much of the ideological ground has shifted in mainstream politics.
Golding himself never made it to the Shadow Cabinet and moved from
the Commons in 1986 to become General Secretary of the then Post Office
Engineers Union.
He died in 1999. His seat was won by his wife Llin – now Baroness
Golding – and now Farrelly. There is a lament (“Old trade
union Labour, which I am, and the Party I have written about are things
of the past”) but no regret: he rejoices in the defeat of the
Tories. But a current which runs as strong as his distrust for the
Bennite left and Militant is his near tribal loyalty to the Labour
party and labour movement which did not just manifest itself in smoke-filled
rooms.
Golding set the record for the longest-ever Commons speech on a Commons
amendment – a magisterial 11 hours and 15 minutes – opposing
the telecommunications privatisation and helping to delay it until
after the 1983 election. A minor victory perhaps – and we know
what happened then – but it is a legacy, like some of his other
extra-parliamentary work, which exists today.
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